Thursday, March 24, 2011

Monclers Store In Usa

accumulation model, the response of capitalism is war.

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The political subject transformations in Latin America is not the proletariat but the "pobretariado." And the "pobretariado" has very high qualities to end the predatory neoliberal but has much more difficulty build an alternative model, especially because he has to deal with some strong leadership , which are very useful for the neoliberal model that rely on the State and especially the army . I have my doubts that this subject will serve to consolidate an alternative, it is still in a reactive position, that does not mean that it is more fruitful than is now in the world and is where proposals are emerging that I think will in the right direction.
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English sociologist and political scientist, Juan Carlos Monedero, professor at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, a critic of the capitalist system as their model of accumulation.
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face the crisis of accumulation, the response

of capitalism is war.



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Interview with English social scientist Juan Carlos Monedero.

Fernando Arellano Ortiz .

ALAI. América Latina en Movimiento .


Wednesday March 23, 2011.

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For English political scientist and sociologist Juan Carlos Monedero, the world situation is marked by a crisis of the capitalist system is taking to deepen the mechanisms of exploitation people to keep this model as a result of accumulation that has generated a global climate of social unrest.
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"At present, he says there is no room for optimism: no subject, no theory, however there are still extreme greed of a system that only works on the basis of what Marx said, accumulate, accumulate, and a strong prospect of increasing repression. "
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is licensed Wallet in Political Science and Sociology at the University Complutense de Madrid. He did his graduate studies at the University of Heidelberg (Germany), and has been visiting professor at the Institute of Political Studies at Humboldt University in Berlin, the National University of Quilmes (Argentina), National University of Medellín (Colombia) , Universidad Iberoamericana de Puebla (Mexico) and the Bolivarian University and the Universidad Central de Venezuela. His doctoral thesis on the sinking of the German Democratic Republic was rated excellent cum laude.
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is currently Professor of Political Science and Administration at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. is the coordinator of the Latin American School of Government, Public Policy and Responsible Citizenship and training in Caracas Centro Internacional Miranda (Venezuela). In this framework has been responsible for the Diploma of Government and Citizen Power training of technical and political, in order to enhance the institutional and political capacity of civil servants in Venezuela and Ecuador.

For a new definition of democracy.

For the English social scientist is imperative to recreate the word democracy rably emergence of new conflicts in the world and also activation of new actors in the social and political towns that were once relegated and marginalized.
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In that sense, very eloquent were his words during his speech to the UN on September 15, 2010 to mark the International Day of Democracy. Some excerpts are:
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"The academy has to revise its concepts, and understand that the discourse on modernization uprooted people in the South and subjected to Northern valuation model, that the discourse on transitions democracy was the absence of popular participation and the renunciation of reparations (forgive the example of English democracy, presented as exemplary, and he did not mind and even called to settle over 150,000 dead killed by the dictatorship of Franco and that even today, still in ditches, fields and roads; together we say things like Indonesia, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, El Salvador, Colombia, etc..) political science must understand that governance put the suspect in the popular arena at a time when the crisis of legitimacy put the responsibility on the side of governments, as well as governance, closer to the plutocracy to democracy, denies the conflict at a moment of humanity where inequalities were never so great. "

"democratic political theory has great challenges ahead. A democracy that could run with the times dare to present consumption that exceeds their own territory as an invasion of other countries, reserving the same treatment as a war of conquest. If a country with a 5% of the world population is responsible for 25% of CO2 emissions, the excess is putting a lot of green jackboot on other countries. Democratic theory can think of new indicators that incorporate new looks out of his paralysis. Recover and social presence is not today and would be easier to see social movements accompanying political scientists who advise decision-making structures unable to generate changes. Do you dare to return social thought to society that it makes the effort to dedicate ourselves to our work? "
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"In the name of democracy will be excluded, as did ancient Greece to the slaves. A new definition of democracy to understand that there is a new demos, a new town, due to migration, to explain that everyone who lives in a place should be considered there. Because otherwise, on behalf of democracy would be excluded, as did ancient Greece with the slaves, to a significant part of the workforce holding countries. I also think that there a demos in the future, but rights without duties, which are the new generations, making it necessary to incorporate the new demos to nature and makes the idea of \u200b\u200bdecline, especially in the North, an idea without which no longer possible to think of democracy. "
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Venezuela: transformation of long-term

By its connection with the Centro Internacional Miranda, the tank of thought and research for the formulation courses of action to the impulse of the revolutionary process in Venezuela, Wallace asserts that the changes that have to live this Latin American country are long-term. "It's a lie that Venezuela wants to be Cuba," he said.
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explains that President Hugo Chavez has raised with strict clarity that the error of socialism in the twentieth century was to end private property.
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"There is a clear difference between private property, media work and the means of production" explains.
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"There are public goods: electricity, water, food, health, basic education, banking. I think these are public goods that must be understood not as a commodity. It is nonsense that capitalism sowed. The state must regulate public goods. The own common sense tells us that the right to eat is over private property rights. We understand that the nationalization of the means of production does not guarantee the satisfaction of the public needs have to be the organized community which corresponsabilice, with the help of the central state. "
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"Public goods must be publicly provided, not the state level, because one of the things that has this reform is to build a public non-state sector. State if only this would be a twentieth-century socialism failed, "he says.

There is a deep capitalist crisis, but no alternative model.

In his last trip to Colombia, the Latin American Observatory Sociopolitical www.cronicon.net made the following interview with Juan Carlos Monedero .
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- Capitalist crisis is systemic, however, that analysts believe there is a political subject that marks a fundamental change of economic model. Do you agree with that vision?
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- Of the economic crisis have gone through a state model. In the 20's with Fordism laying the groundwork for what was then the Keynesianism, in the crisis of the 70 with neoliberalism and post-Fordism, today is a new crisis, clear, deep, but no alternative model. Missing subject, the working class built this imaginary capable of carrying the possibility of a new alternative, but there is no theoretical framework of how it could be that alternative. This presents an overview gray because in other moments where there has been a hegemony and global interests are in conflict, the response has been to war. This is not to be excessively pessimistic, because a pessimist is an idiot unpleasant, but not optimistic, because an optimist is a likeable idiot, and somehow have to overcome both types of idiocy.
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But the picture is not rosy. I believe that the factors that led to rearm a model in the 70's, what we call neo-liberalism, which was a general agreement that years later he also called Washington Consensus, was based on four legs:
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a) .- one was the increase in deficit, ie, defer to future generations to solve the problem;
b) .- the second was to emphasize the exploitation of the southern countries, which today is not possible by the new rearticulations as G-20 or also the very emergence of governments that make the Sovereignty as a flag for America America;
c) .- the third solution has to do with exploitation of nature and it has already said enough.
d) .- It is the fourth element, the most traditional, which is to increase the level of exploitation of the working class, but that in turn generates a problem that is worsening and that a crisis of legitimacy, trust and accumulation.
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is, to delve into the exploitation of people to solve the model of capitalist accumulation is gradually worsening the problem and is generating a climate of social unrest. So I say that at the present time there are no spaces for optimism: no subject, no theory, however there are still extreme greed of a system that only works on the basis of what Marx said, accumulate, accumulate, and a strong prospect of increasing repression in the immediate future.

- Globally, Latin America is where there is a permanent social boil. What is missing to the left of the Latin American countries to generate this subject and that theory to which you refer?
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- The political subject of the transformations in Latin America is not the proletariat but the "pobretariado." And the "pobretariado" has very high qualities to end the predatory neoliberal but is much more difficult to build an alternative model, especially because he has to deal with some strong leadership, which are very useful for the neoliberal model that rely on the state and especially the military. I have my doubts that this subject will serve to consolidate an alternative, it is still in a reactive position, that does not mean that it is more fruitful than is now in the world and is where proposals are emerging that I think are in the right direction. First, disconnect the global financial mechanisms that are the heart of evil, second, a relocation of the economy, implying endogenous development and allow continued operation in an export model that leaves domestic markets stocked out, third place and most essential, building a new counter-hegemonic globalization. That is, assume and understand that globalization is here to stay, because it is unimaginable now to think of models of autarky, which is closed in itself, but to look for a globalization based not on elements of competitiveness but complementation, such as the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples (ALBA).
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- From the Centro Internacional Miranda became an exercise in both assessment and foresight of the first decade of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela and its exposure in this regard created a stir by bringing up issues as the hyper-political leadership, the rentier mentality of the population in that country, among others. What is the reading was about the future of the political process led by President Hugo Chávez
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- That what we did was an assessment of the first decade of the revolutionary process in Venezuela and the elements that need to be reviewed. On balance I did the historical ghosts of Venezuela where the rentier mentality, militarism, centralism, corruption, patronage party, one of the items mentioned was also the historical hiperliderazgo own country is not have completed assembly of a modern state and has not articulated a party system that is responsive to the sensitivities popular. There the role of Venezuelan hiperliderazgo we have likened to what Gramsci called a cease progressive. That is, there is a change process, there are gaps popular and the leader plays an important role to continue to help the emancipation process run its course. But this I consider it good, at times the brake of the neoliberal model, pluralization is required for consolidation, this is one of the axes that we propose. Leadership in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Cuba have to be more collective because otherwise fall into a kind of facilitation and end the popular leader who builds up such a responsibility is also information that does not have anyone in the country and this will hinder the objective possibilities of dialogue.
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In that sense I think is a very good time to say that this leadership as useful and necessary as that of Chavez in Venezuela, has to be open to plural elements that allow such consolidation. It is not at all a criticism of Chavez's leadership we consider all those who attended the seminar as indispensable. It was a wake-up call that leadership is not weakened by not having the ability to delegate tasks to a more collective leadership.

- How English that highlight elements of the bicentenary of the emancipation of Latin America, where from the Iberian Peninsula will no longer come with ships, sword, syphilis and Bible but through major investment deal to achieve a new recolonization?
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- is a difficult question to answer because I will answer that my grandfather was in Spain and those who are your grandparents came more than mine. I believe that Spain has cured of that look so terrible discovery, yet dare not talk of winning or forcefully take what it meant that process but we must also help her and she has to help itself implies that a twenty-first century English is not responsibility of the conquest, however if you have the responsibility of English multinational firms can not hinder the development of this continent. In that sense I think that this celebration of the bicentennial should serve to warn of these 500 years of isolation caused by the rule of that time and later by successive empires. And it should also serve as an awareness of reunion. I'm closer to many Latin American English right ...
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- When speaking of the English right includes the PSOE?
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- No, no, the arguments on both sides are not intellectually productive, but Obama is not like Bush, but structurally is going to repeat many policies, Aznar Zapatero is not the same, although both sustain the capitalist model. I think that for every complex problem there is a simple but wrong answer and a task which we can afford to dedicate ourselves to think, complicate and not simplify.
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- And speaking of José María Aznar, do you agree with that judged him internationally as a war criminal for having engaged in Spain in the invasion of Iraq?
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- Yes, yes, also for very personal reasons because he wanted to imprison me for opposing the invasion of Iraq. I love who was now confronted with the criminal, if I for having opposed such aggression or him for having actively participated in the slaughter.

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